Mahinda Rajapaksa needs more professionalism all round By Malinda Seneviratne

Mahinda Rajapaksa cannot defeat a two-bit gang led by a half-witted paathale figure if he goes about the matter in an ad hoc, let’s-ask-Basil Malli, what-does-Gota-think, kind of way. Where is the coordination between defence, foreign affairs and media? Where is the evidence of getting the professionals in each field involved, getting the best that we have together so that we can fight the necessary fight in the best way possible? Where is the effort to stamp out corruption, that wicked little ‘enemy-within’ that terrorism so desperately needs? Is there a strategy that has taken into account all the weaknesses of the enemy, all the strengths of the enemy, all our strengths and weaknesses, and modelled out the scenarios that can be expected to unfold?

Let me answer the question before it is asked. We were always at war, CFA or no CFA. A terrorists’ word is not worth the breath used to utter it and this is a truth that successive leaders have refused to acknowledge to the detriment of peace, democracy and protecting human rights.

Let me answer the next question too. We don’t have any option but to fight back. The non-military option simply does not exist because that is not a territory that the LTTE can fight on and therefore one into which they will venture only for purposes of distraction. The non-military option does not exist when Prabhakaran’s blood-thirsty thugs summarily execute civilians on the ground that they suspect of passing on information to the security forces. The non-military option cannot exist when Prabhakaran decides that there is nothing wrong in allowing 30,000 acres of paddy land to go waste and thereby destroy the lives and livelihoods of 15,000 families.

If war is what we have to deal with it, then there is only one thing that the people must demand: professionalism on the part of everyone involved. In wars, one must pick one’s battles carefully. It is imperative to fight certain battles, but the logic of war demands that it is often prudent to concede ground temporarily. The matter of deciding what to do and what not to do is in the hands of the professionals, or should be.

The closing of the Maavilaru Anicut was a horrendous crime against humanity. Prabhakaran does not deserve any mercy on that one. This does not mean that the government has to secure the anicut at all costs. The logic of war doesn’t flow that way. The farmers needed to be compensated in some way, of this there cannot be disagreement. Dealing with terrorism (i.e. in ways that are in concert with the notion ‘zero-tolerance’) demands a comprehensive, well-informed strategy and one that is executed to perfection in a professional manner. If being professional demanded that the anicut issue be sorted out later and instead the forces concentrate on capturing Sampur for example, then ‘Onward to Sampur!’ should be the battle cry.

The point is that the government should understand that propaganda, while it has a part to play in the political, should not be the prime definer of agenda and strategy. A popular President who has conceded political, geographical and ideological ground to the enemy is not what we want. What is needed is a President who understands not only that capturing real estate is not the A-Z of the battle against terrorism, but that the war has to be fought on all fronts by professionals and not populists.

Someone can claim that we can’t fight this war because we are not ready. This is true. We are not ready. We are not ready because we don’t have a proper strategy, a strategy that can take on the LTTE on all fronts, and one which includes a communications element to keep the people on the side of the security forces. This, however, does not mean the end is near. The Doom’s Day Prophets can go back to their armchairs. War has a way of forcing a population to ‘get ready.’ Let’s consider what this ‘getting ready’ involves.

It involves being upfront about realities. Let us list the realities: people are going to die, thousands are going to become homeless, Colombo may suffer attacks of a magnitude that has so far not been experienced, and operations can and must include the Karuna Faction. These are the things that the government must let the people and the rest of the world know. It is still not enough. The realities include the fact that corruption and inefficiency on the part of politicians, bureaucrats and military officials (from the lowest to the highest in each category) are the main weaknesses that allow Prabhakaran, cornered internationally though he is, to continue to wage war and score his little successes here and there.

Let us be brutally frank about the ground realities on ‘our’ side. If a professional army cannot defeat a rag-tag army of brain-washed thugs who have been shown up as pariahs over and over again all over the world, if the mouth-pieces of and apologists for these terrorists are not only allowed to run free but are hired as advisors to those at the top of the decision-making apparatus, if intelligence units cannot outthink Prabhakaran, and if there is absolutely no coordination between relevant institutions of the state, then there is something radically wrong with the structures of governance.

I concur with what Asoka Handagama was saying in ‘Me Mage Sandai’ and what Prasanna Vithanage said in ‘Purahanda Kaluwara’: this is a meaningless war! The challenge is to fight it in a meaningful way. The only way to do this is to infuse into the entire process that which it lacks so sorely: professionalism.

Mahinda Rajapaksa cannot defeat a two-bit gang led by a half-witted paathale figure if he goes about the matter in an ad hoc, let’s-ask-Basil Malli, what-does-Gota-think, kind of way. Where is the coordination between defence, foreign affairs and media? Where is the evidence of getting the professionals in each field involved, getting the best that we have together so that we can fight the necessary fight in the best way possible? Where is the effort to stamp out corruption, that wicked little ‘enemy-within’ that terrorism so desperately needs? Is there a strategy that has taken into account all the weaknesses of the enemy, all the strengths of the enemy, all our strengths and weaknesses, and modelled out the scenarios that can be expected to unfold?

The bottom line is that this war must be fought and can be won but this requires that everyone, President downwards, must become serious about it. There can be no half-way measures when you are dealing with a ruthless terrorist.

We get back to Mahinda Rajapaksa. The man has to get his house in order. He has to make a serious effort to get the institutions right, i.e. such that political expediency does not compromise the fight against terrorism. The people need to be insulated from the politicians. That is in the general. With respect to the war, the ‘specific’ is simple: the effort should be insulated from the politicians.

Mahinda, if he wants inspiration, can read the story of Ramon Magsaysay, who instituted decisive reforms in the military established in the Philippines, boosted the morale and performance of the Filipino soldiers and renewed people’s trust in government, almost 56 years ago. No, he doesn’t have to go to Manila to do this. A bit of web-browsing would do.

What is needed today is sound judgment, know-how, maturity, sense of responsibility, problem-solving perseverance and ingenuity. This is called ‘professionalism’. With it, Prabhakaran will be defeated comprehensively; without it, things will drag, people will suffer, the economy will decline and politicians will be kicked out of power. We don’t have to walk the latter path.

This constitution is the executive presidency. If the constitution is a massive tree, then the executive presidency is its massive trunk. We cannot talk about strategies and solutions pertaining to anything without getting back to the Executive President. Can Mahinda Rajapaksa be professional about it? Does he want to do the kick-an-own-goal number? There’s some head-butting that could happen, he better remember. Mahinda can earn himself a red card, but that won’t be a consolation.

The country would have by then taken a big hit. This is as far as we can go with the Zidane-Matarazzi analogy. Winning a war is not like winning the Soccer World Cup in a penalty shoot out. There is too much at stake to think that way. The problem is, to put it bluntly, can Mahinda think?

[Global Order Editors Pick The Nation Opinion]

‘Capello’ opens in Colombo

Having begun his training under Ramani Fernando, who ceremonially opened the Salon ‘Capello’, Romesh Atapattu has gone from strength to strength winning many international awards along the way.

"Capello" is the newest salon in town which was opened last weekend at Sulaiman Terrace and is the venture at the head of which will be hairdresser and beautician Romesh Atapattu. Having won many coveted awards in hairstyling and beauty culture at prestigious international competitions he has returned after comprehensive training in the field of beauty in the UK to embark in this salon of his own. His brother Asanka Atapattu will be involved in the salon on the financial side and business management.

They have combined their skill, talent and expertise to open this state-of-the-art salon, with unusual interior designing. A black and white theme dominates the interiors with a miniature fountain in the midst of the salon giving an ambience of relaxation and calmness. Romesh has paid detailed attention to create a perfect atmosphere and the salon is on a par with any such and is of international standard.

His services offered to the clients are many from simple hair cuts to hairstyling, beauty treatments and spa treatments in the spacious building reeking of style and elegance. The chief guest for the opening is Ramani Fernando of Ramani Fernando salons and guest of honour is Neela Jayawardena of House of Fashions. -Sunday Island Text by Zanita Careem
Pix by D. Banduwardena

Politics of waging war over water and the battle for prestige

Basil Rajapakse, Keheliya Rambukwela, 
S. Elilan and Rauf Hakeem

Govt. looks to negotiate water dispute

JVP wants war to join Rajapakse

Tamil Nadu leaders call for Sri Lanka’s isolation

Muslim people say attacks coming from govt. side charges Hakeem

Donald, Basil accuse LTTE of targeting civilians

Well, Sri Lanka is at war again though the government is taking pains to tell the whole world it is not so and ironically so is the LTTE.

If there is one issue on which both the government and the LTTE are in agreement, it is that there is no war with each party claiming they are addressing the urgent humanitarian needs of the people.

Truth it is said is the first casualty of war and the people are in the process of now getting a full dose from the government as well as the LTTE depending on which media one follows even as the death toll from both sides continues to rise.

While the media has been denied access to the war zone, varying reports have surfaced on progress made by the government forces in Mawilaru and the LTTE in Muttur, with the only certainty being that both sides are at war amidst large scale human suffering.

We are just 10 minutes away from opening the sluice gates, Government Defence Spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella declared on Tuesday but by Friday, the 10 minutes had still not lapsed while the LTTE was claiming they have captured Muttur on Wednesday.

The government’s official position however as articulated by Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake is that the security forces are on a limited operation to remove the obstruction of the water supply, which he described as an insult to humanity.

"A common question asked by many was whether the government  has re-started the war. The government wishes to categorically state that it had not started a war," the Prime Minister said on Wednesday even as the fighting raged in the east.

"Obstructing the water supply to thousands of Sinhala, Tamil and Muslims living in Seruwila is an insult to humanity and human values. It is the duty of a responsible government to clear such obstructions and ensure the water supply which is the civilians’ basic human right," Prime Minister Wickremanayake had also elaborated.

Similar reasons

The Tiger position was somewhat similar though the reasons adduced were different in that they accused the state of depriving water supplies to Tamils in LTTE controlled areas and argued, when the same treatment was meted out to the Sinhalese by the LTTE there was a declaration of war.

"The LTTE said Wednesday that its recent military activities in Trincomalee including the operation against Sri Lankan military camps in the early hours were intended to disrupt Sri Lanka’s indiscriminate onslaught against Tamil civilians. The LTTE’s military spokesman, I. Ilanthirayan said that amid the indiscriminate bombing and shelling of civilian areas by the Sri Lankan armed forces as part of their offensive in the Mawilaru region, there was an urgent ‘humanitarian need’ that had compelled what he described as ‘defensive action,"’ is how the pro LTTE Tamilnet website described the on going conflict on Wednesday.

Understandably both sides are seeking to capture the moral high ground and blame the other for restarting the war, no doubt keeping an eye on international opinion.

For the LTTE it is important not to be seen as the party which started the war, hence the statement by Political Wing Leader S.P. Tamilselvan on July 28 to British Deputy High Commissioner Lesley Craig that the aerial bombing on July 26-28 was a declaration of war by the government.

The government on the other hand continues to maintain it is LTTE’s violation of the Geneva Convention by stopping the water supply to the people of Seruwila which forced it to launch a limited humanitarian operation, an argument which was music to LTTE’s ears for no reason other than the state’s reference to the Geneva Convention, thereby equating it to a separate nation.

But there is of course more to both arguments than meets the eye and the international community is not oblivious to them, hence the call for a return to the negotiating table to resolve the dispute.

The problem for the government however is that having launched a military operation to secure the Mawilaru anicut, there is no turning back now without a complete loss of face, more so given strident calls by the JVP for all out war.

For, how can the government possibly defeat the LTTE militarily if it is unable to capture even an anicut in Trincomalee will be the logical conclusion people will reach if the effort fails, thus turning the entire issue into a prestige battle for the Rajapakse administration.

In fact even as Rambukwella was claiming on Tuesday, August 1 the security forces were 10 minutes away from the anicut, there was a blitzkrieg of posters islandwide by the National Movement Against Terrorism calling on the security forces to march onwards to Kilinochchi.

Easier said than done considering the government forces even 48 hours later not being able to go that additional 10 minutes to open the sluice gates, but such factors were of little consequence to those agitating for full scale war.

Interestingly, the march towards Mawilaru itself comes at a time the JVP was demanding of President Rajapakse to declare war on the LTTE if it was to join the government, and Wimal Weerawansa himself subjecting the SLFP to pressure on the issue if he was to bring the JVP around.

There is no gainsaying, many a military operation was launched in the past by various governments to achieve a political objective at least in the short term and the security forces have no choice but to carry out the orders.

But the government is learning the hard way in Mawilaru that pleasing the extremists is no cake walk and by Friday, with Tuesday’s 10 minutes still having not lapsed, Rambukwella went on public record the government was prepared to negotiate a settlement to the water dispute using Norwegian facilitation.

It is also prudent to understand therefore the real issues at hand if the problem is to be settled in a meaningful way, thereby minimising the loss of human lives.

In that context, the LTTE position on the Mawilaru water dispute itself becomes relevant, especially given the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission’s own assessment of the situation.

To the 1970s

The Mawilaru dispute according to the LTTE Peace Secretariat goes back to the 1970s when the Allai-Kantalai irrigation scheme for irrigating paddy fields in Muttur and Serunuwera was started by the government. The LTTE charges large scale Sinhala settlements were created in the ‘traditional Tamil homeland,’ to benefit from the irrigation scheme which areas are currently under government control.

It was also said that during the early phase of the  2002 ceasefire agreement, the Asian Development Bank proposed providing drinking water to the same government controlled areas when people in the LTTE controlled areas protested claiming they have a more urgent need for water especially since the water to be used for the ADB project would be coming from Tiger territory.

Following these protests, according to the LTTE, the ADB agreed to extend their water supply to include Tiger administered areas as well but that the scheme was put on hold due to the deteriorating security situation.

The LTTE goes on to charge, the North East Development Ministry announced  three weeks back it was going to implement the water supply scheme only for the government controlled areas leading to protests by the people in LTTE controlled areas since just two years earlier there was agreement for the water to be supplied to their areas as well.

It is this situation according to the LTTE which led to the sluice gates being closed on July 20, cutting off the water supply to the government controlled areas.

Thereafter, a letter was despatched to the government making three demands for the opening of the sluice gates, namely, the security of civilians who travel between GOSL and LTTE areas, removal of the  ban on items imposed by the army and incorporate drinking water supply to their areas.

What the LTTE did through this letter under the cover of the civilians was use the same ‘humanitarian,’ argument of the government against it to justify the closing of the sluice gates, hoping it will find some resonance with the international community.

"No response was received from the GOSL by the protesting people. Instead the Secretary General, Palitha Kohona, wrote to the head of SLMM on July 25 saying that the GOSL will resolve the water dispute. The LTTE Peace Secretariat received the letter at 9.30 p.m. The letter was immediately forwarded to the LTTE Trincomalee Political Head S. Elilan. The following morning Elilan informed the protesting people and began plans to solve the issue."

"The people demanded that they want to talk directly to the SLMM. Elilan went back to the SLMM with the people’s request on the same day. The SLMM could not come on that day, July 26 due to security concerns but promised to visit the next day. This promise was made at 2 p.m. July 26.  At 3.20 p.m. that day GOSL bombs were dropped on the LTTE camp in Kathiraveli, 5 km. from Mawilaru, killing seven people," the LTTE Peace Secretariat argued.

Meeting protesters

Added the Tigers, "On July 27, the head of SLMM contacts Elilan wanting to meet the protesters and a meeting was arranged for 2 p.m. on July 28. At the meeting people demanded guarantees from SLMM head which he said he cannot give. During the meeting, the GOSL drops bombs very close to where the meeting was taking place. Frustrated protesters walked out of the meeting. The head of the SLMM in an interview to the Reuters said, "We sat for talking and got clearance from the government and tried to convince the LTTE to  have confidence in the government. They dropped a bomb in the vicinity. That’s not the right signal."

The LTTE Trincomalee Political Head, Elilan then poses the following comparison, "The Pankulam irrigation tank in Trincomalee is occupied by the Sri Lanka Navy and as a result 2000 acres of paddy fields belonging to the Tamils have not been cultivated for many years. Contrast this with the Mawilaru sluice gate closed by the protesters on July 20 and the GOSL bombing on July 26 and 28."

Despite the case made out by the LTTE, the government did not respond strongly, quite content in arguing there was no war and that the military was only on a humanitarian operation to open the sluice gates.

End game

In doing so, the government had also not thought through its end game on reaching the anicut despite being convinced the security forces cannot hold the territory without  compromising overall military strategy. Rambukwella in fact has said as much, in that the government does not intend holding on to territory once the sluice gates are open.

If that be the case, then how on earth is it to ensure the sluice gates remain open after the military leaves the area?  It is only later such factors began to dawn on the government compelling it to look at alternate strategies.

Faced with this dilemma, the government was looking at a diplomatic initiative to settle the water dispute after reaching the anicut, but given the fierce resistance faced and LTTE’s counter strikes, the situation soon escalated to a full blown war and there is no turning back for President Rajapakse now with the JVP breathing down his neck.

In fact, even as the military operation was going on, the JVP at a meeting with the President submitted 20 conditions based on the acceptance of which the party was ready to join the government and they all practically dealt with a war scenario including the ouster of Norway and withdrawal from the CFA.

Thus, for the President to now, not continue with the war would definitely see the JVP walking away, leaving his government in total disarray, notwithstanding the swearing in of individual UNP MPs as deputy ministers.

Furthermore, the President’s refusal to acknowledge the country was at war has also not helped him garner public support, fearing such a declaration will not only send a disastrous signal internationally but see the international community too walking away.

And the President’s reluctance to do so also is because it would then be said the government started the war by launching an operation to capture Mawilaru in the backdrop of the LTTE position Tamils too were subjected to economic blockades.

Caught in crossfire

To make matters worse, the fighting in Muttur also saw the Muslims caught in the crossfire with one particular incident at the Arabic College where 10 Muslim civilians were killed causing pandemonium.

The LTTE was quick to say about 9,000  Muslim civilians had sought refuge at the Arabic College in Muttur and 10 were killed when a army artillery shell hit the school, while the security forces blamed the deaths on the Tigers.

This situation prompted Muslim Congress Leader Rauf Hakeem to go on national radio and appeal for the Muslims to be evacuated from the area on humanitarian grounds but there appeared to be no respite in sight.

While both the government and the LTTE were thus trading charges, SLMC Leader Rauf Hakeem stepped in since the victims of the Muttur fighting were largely Muslims and he had a hurried meeting with Joint Chief of Defence Staff Donald Perera and Presidential Advisor Basil Rajapakse, with the hope of negotiating a ceasefire in the area to enable the civilians to be moved out. It appeared, Basil Rajapakse was the man calling the shots, be it  in negotiating with the various political parties and MPs to form the government, which economic projects must be given priority, not to mention military strategy.  He was in fact, the Executive President, all but in name.

Hakeem in fact told this column on Friday the Muslim people of Muttur claim the attacks are emanating from army controlled areas though the government has tried to show with the use of maps, that was not the case, and that he told so to Basil Rajapakse.

"I am reflecting what the people keep telling me. Even this morning they keep telling me, these attacks are emanating from government held camps and the naval base. This is happening but then the government is in denial. In fairness to the Joint Chief of  Staff Donald Perera, and Basil, at our meeting they denied and kept showing maps and asked how they can attack. I said people are very clearly pointing the finger at the government. That is the Muslim people.  The government position is, it is coming from the LTTE area," Hakeem said.

People panicking

"The thing is, commandos have moved in from yesterday (Thursday), small batches of commandos have moved in, but whether they can bring the entire area under control is not sure because the town area is still under LTTE control. In the outskirts they have perhaps cleared a few areas but people are panicking and they are beginning to leave. That is why we want at least a temporary halt," Hakeem added.

Given this war environment, the CWC and SLMC decided not to join the government and become a party to the conflict once again leaving the President totally dependant on the JVP but the cost of linking up with the Marxists based on their demands would be that much more politically suicidal and Rajapakse knows it.

And even as the war drums were beating in Colombo, emotions ran high in Tamil Nadu with all political parties banding together and urging the central government not to help Sri Lanka because of the civilian casualties due to the army offensive.

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi went so far as to tell the state assembly on Thursday, his government had not given permission for the training of Sri Lankan policemen in the state.

Responding to a question by MDMK Leader M. Karunappan, Karunanidhi was reported as saying, "I hope the centre pays attention to this issue."

Going a step further was MDMK Chief Vaiko who in writing to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh asked the centre not to provide any assistance to Sri Lanka.

Violation of CFA

Sri Lanka is blatantly violating the ceasefire agreement and innocent Tamils are being killed in indiscriminate aerial bombings, Vaiko said in his letter.

He went on to charge that despite LTTE leadership’s warning not to engage in military attacks, the Sri Lankan government has unleashed continuous shelling and bombing and that the LTTE was retaliating to protect Tamils and their homeland in addition to preventing civilian casualties.

"More or less the Sri Lankan government has launched an undeclared war against Tamils," Vaiko wrote.

Jumping the bandwagon was former cabinet minister and Leader of the Tamil Nationalism Movement, P. Nedumaran, charging that "if India degenerates itself by going to assist the Sri Lanka army, there will be adverse repercussions in Tamil Nadu."

"Now they are pleading with India to escape and save their lives," Nedumaran said.

Added he – "India should not help the Sinhala government that stabbed it behind its back. India should firmly state that it would not interfere in the internal affairs of Sri Lanka. If it did, it would hurt the susceptibilities of the Tamils living not only in Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka but all round the world as India’s unfair partiality towards Sri Lanka, with complete disregard to the sentiments and expectation of the Tamils as a whole. This undoubtedly would meet an adverse impact in Tamil Nadu."

These comments came within 24 hours after news reached that Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had spoken with President Rajapakse and urged restraint especially on the issue of civilian casualties and the exodus of refugees.

Unfortunately,  the government’s failure to articulate a clear position with different spokespersons expressing different views resulted in the LTTE seizing the propaganda initiative internationally.

It is in this backdrop Norwegian Special Envoy Jon Hanssen-Bauer announced in Oslo on Wednesday before leaving for Sri Lanka that the government had said it is willing to consider Tamil Tiger demands to open up a key water supply in the north east.

"The Colombo government has shown willingness to consider the Liberation Tigers of Tamil

Eelam demands to reopen a strategic reservoir in the Trincomalee area," Bauer was quoted as saying.

And 24 hours later, Rambukwella was echoing similar sentiments raising questions why the government could not have negotiated a settlement in the first instance without having to start a bloody war to get the JVP on board.

Then again, power can be intoxicating and moreso when consumed in large quantities without considering the fall out.

[Inside Politics with SURANIMALA The Sunday Leader]