Daily Archives: July 9, 2006
A simmering power struggle in the opposition UNP has taken a new turn with Colombo District heavyweight Milinda Moragoda severely criticising Ranil Wickremesinghe’s leadership. This comes against the backdrop of President Mahinda Rajapakse fishing for UNP MPs with Ratnapura District MP Susantha Punchinalame switching his allegiance last Thursday.
Accusing a section of the UNP seniors of undermining their efforts to revive the party, Moragoda, in a confidential letter addressed to Wickremesinghe, faulted him for allowing the deterioration of the party. “This has been a cause of great concern to me, and has led me to question whether this is the same UNP for which I have worked since the time when the late Mr. Premadasa was President, and you were the Leader of the House and a senior Cabinet Minister,” he said.
Moragoda also revealed that he boycotted the Political Affairs Committee and the decision making Working Committee as he believed nothing would be achieved by his participation.
Moragoda’s attack comes as Wickremesinghe patched up with Matara heavyweight Mahinda Wijesekera. Public criticism of the top leadership prompted Wickremesinghe to dismiss Wijesekera but they recently ironed out their differences.
A furious Wickremesinghe is believed to have dismissed Moragoda’s opinion. Speculation is rife that Wickremesinge would hit back. Moragoda’s opponents in the party are likely to influence Wickremesinghe’s counter strategy.
The Island learns that Wickremesinghe received the letter amidst mounting pressure to take disciplinary action against Moragoda and his Colombo District colleague Mohammed Maharoof, accused of being responsible for the rejection of party nominations at the recent CMC elections.
A two-member probe team last Tuesday submitted a confidential report to the Working Committee. The report ruled out the need to take disciplinary action against Messrs Moragoda and Maharoof. A furious Dr. Rajitha Senaratne is believed to have demanded of Wickremesinghe to take action against the culprits without further delay. UNP Deputy leader Karu Jayasuriya, Ravi Karunanayake and Gamini Lokuge are believed to have echoed Senaratne.
The following is the full text of Moragoda’s letter:
“In the past several months many good and honourable people have asked why I have remained silent and allowed my critics free rein both within the media and the Party.
I have deliberately avoided responding to these critics because I believe that such public debate simply plays into the hands of those enemies, both internal and external, who would wish to damage the Party. I also did not want to shift our focus from the United National Party’s campaign to win the Colombo Municipal Council Election. Finally, after the elections were won with no tangible support from the Party for the campaign, I wanted to see how the Party would react to the unfounded accusations and personal invective of my detractors, who in the eyes of the majority of the Party make more noise than sense and were responsible for the implosion of the UNF government in 2004. In the same spirit, I decided to stay away from meetings of the Political Affairs Committee and the Working Committee to which you had been kind enough to appoint me.
I know you are aware that I have always acted in the best interests of the United National Party. In spite of this, my efforts and those of other like-minded individuals have been constantly undermined by persons who consider themselves to be senior figures within our own Party. This has been a cause of great concern to me, and has led me to question whether this is the same UNP for which I have worked since the time when the late Mr. Premadasa was President, and you were the Leader of the House and a senior cabinet minister.
When you established the inquiry into the rejection of the Colombo nominations list, I was unclear as to the benefits this process might have in taking our Party and the country forward, but I remained silent having raised my concerns with you. There was an attempt to subvert this inquiry by a small group whose main aim was to defame others to serve their own personal ends. These same persons simultaneously worked to undermine the Party’s Municipal Council candidates for Colombo. I wonder if the founding fathers of our Party, who met at Palm Court 60 years ago, would have allowed such internal strife to be publicised by persons who do not even have the support of their own electorates, and who are motivated only by self-interest and untempered personal ambition.
That good people have wasted so much time on this inquiry is, I believe, symptomatic of the problems the Party faces. Has the outcome of this inquiry helped in any way to stop the bombings and the economic disruption within our country?
I joined the UNP, along with the vast majority of its current members because I believed it reflected the values of our founding fathers, namely, honour, public service, humility, honesty and personal leadership. They believed in a Party that represented all races, religions and other groups in our society. They were dedicated to action, serving the interests of the people and constantly seeking a way forward for the country and the Party. For me their vision and personal example meant everything. With the support of the overwhelming majority of our Party, I will continue to help you to uphold those basic values.
Even at this late stage, it is my hope that those whose baseless accusations served only to cause divisions and strife within our Party, will now join with all of us who want to see the United National Party strong and determined in its efforts to serve the people, and to bring peace and prosperity to our country under your leadership.”
The Island – News
Sitar virtuoso Pradeep Ratnayake will be performing at the home of the L.A. Philharmonic, Walt Disney Hall
Sitar virtuoso Pradeep Ratnayake will be performing at the home of the L.A. Philharmonic, Walt Disney Hall. Pradeep performed to the thrill of audiences in Montreal, New York, Washington D.C. and Los Angeles in 2005. Proceeds from the concert will benefit the Sri Lanka Foundation tsunami victim housing project.
Pradeep has been hailed as a logical successor to Ravi Shankar. His performance last September at the Kennedy Center was a tremendous success.
94.7 WAVE artist and # 1 contemporary pianist Freddie Ravel, Eric Marienthal on sax and Hussain Jiffry (bassist from Yanni) will fuse contemporary Jazz with tunes such as the Bee Gees’ Emotion, Billy Joel’s New York State of Mind and Freddie Ravel #1 smash hit Sunny Side Up.
The concert is a fundraiser that will allow the foundation to build another set of houses. In 2005 under the supervision of director Palitha Pelpola the foundation built 20 houses in Siribopura.
Walt Disney Concert Hall – Downtown Los Angeles
Please pass this all your friends in the U.S. and elsewhere.
If you need tickets please contact Rashantha at 213.747.1385 for groups of 6 or more.
TICKETS START AT $20.00
DON’T MISS THIS CONCERT!
By Pushpamala Iriyagolle Dharmasena
Unfortunately, most of our former governments actively sought direct help from various countries, especially from India and the west, urging them to take an active role in solving our internal problem. LTTE terrorism was blatantly encouraged by India during the Gandhi period with guerilla training, weapons and funds supplied to the Tigers to destabilize and balkanize Sri Lanka. When President J.R. Jayawardena accused India of intrigue with facts, figures and maps of Tiger training camps, the Indians unabashedly denied everything. India has never apologized for the damage it did to a small and helpless neighbor. But we are a nation with congenital amnesia. As Buddhists, it’s good to forgive our enemies. But should we forget so soon and worse, trust every Tom, Dick and Harry from aboard to pulls us out of the hole which they themselves dug for us?
As a nation, we natively internationalized our domestic problem. Family quarrels should never be sent beyond the front door, but political parties and successive oppositions made it a habit of running to London, Washington, Oslo, Paris or Tokyo to complain about our own governments. They still do. Not even the poorest banana republic does this. Even they have what’s called self – respect. Our politicians are the only ones on earth who don’t have any. Recently an Irish Minister went to meet the Tigers in Kilinochchi with government blessings. An Indian official came to find out how we are treating the Tamils and tell us how to create a federal state for Tamils. When is this charade, this circus, going to end?
So maybe brought upon ourselves this spate of unwanted "advice" by all kinds of foreign governments and sundry johnnies who pass through our transit lounge at the airport. Our media rush to interview these interlopers, asking the question – "What do you think of the Sri Lankan problem?" and "How do you think we can solve it?". Pat comes the answer, "Talk peace with the LTTE and come to a negotiated settlement". They even add, "The Tamils have been discriminated and it’s best to give them federal region". This is the height of cheek. Not even the poorest banana republic would stand this kind of nonsense. But then, this is Sri Lanka, where any joker is free to tell us how to run our affairs and how to clean up our act. Colonial servility is yet entrenched in our veins.
It’s high time we realized the hole we are in due to our own folly. When in trouble, by all means seek help and there is nothing wrong with that. But bootlicking and foreigner in the process is downright stupid. Our politicians should understand that we must never internationalize our internal problems.
Terrorism should not be tolerated. It is being hounded by the whole world and terrorists everywhere are being hunted and destroyed. In response to a truce offer by Al Qaeda, White House spokesman Scott McClellan declared on January 19, 2006.
"We do not negotiate with terrorists. We just put them out of business."
US Vice President Dick Cheney added:
"I think you have to destroy them. It’s the only way to deal with them."
Army Generals do not talk politics. Their job is to destroy enemy. Not to negotiate with them for political solutions. General Norman Schwartzkopf of "Desert Strom" fame, when asked whether there is room for forgiveness to terrorists and to those who aided and abetted them, very pithily stated:
"I believe that forgiving them id God’s function. Our job is simply to arrange the meeting."
While urging us to talk peace, to negotiate and to offer all sorts of carrots in the form of federalism etc., to the Tigers, the west and even India, blasts their own terrorists to smithereens. They even invade foreign nations in the process as was done in Iraq and Afghanistan. But unfortunately, what is sauce for the Goose does not appear to be sauce for the Gander.
The government has now talked enough. Talks are never going work with Velupillai Prabakaran. So let us take a leaf out of Gen. Schwartzkopf’s book. Let’s arrange that meeting between God and Velupillai P. soon.
Meanwhile let us have the guts to tell the international community including the co-chairs, "Thanks for your advice, but no thanks." MOD SL
While the international community mounted pressure on the Mahinda Rajapakse administration last week to address the legitimate grievances of the people in the country and work towards a federal solution, the JVP, which was invited by the President to join the government, declared it would do so only if the war option is pursued. Apart from the President’s inability to make the hard choices to put the peace process back on track and avert full-scale war for fear of losing the JVP’s support, he is also gaining an unhealthy reputation as being dictatorial especially over his conduct in relation to the appointment of the Constitutional Council and the independent commissions and these facts are not lost on the international community either.
The failure to appoint the Constitutional Council of course is due to pressure by the JVP, which has demanded the final slot despite a ruling by the Attorney General they were not so entitled.
Power sector issue
That the President fears making any political moves which will lose the JVP’s support was also underscored when he had the Electricity Reforms Bill withdrawn from the Supreme Court on Tuesday, July 4 without so much as an intimation to Minister John Seneviratne after the Marxists vowed to defeat the government in parliament and plunge the country into darkness.
Mind you, the President did so at the risk of losing desperately needed international funding for the restructuring of the power sector with disastrous long-term consequences to the country, but all that was secondary in the face of the JVP’s threats.
Such is the fear that has gripped the President of the JVP walking out on the government, he does not dare even utter the ‘F’ word to avoid earning the Marxists’ wrath.
Not oblivious to this trap he was in, the President not many moons ago toyed with the general election option but given the security and economic situation in the country, that option has been put in the back-burner on advice the results will be damning for the UPFA.
And the siege mentality of the President was in fact underscored by close ally Vasudeva Nanayakkara during a seminar at the BMICH on Wednesday after the UNP representative, former Minister Jayawickrema Perera outlined his party’s position in relation to the current developments.
Perera said the UNP’s commitment to explore a federal solution has been clearly articulated in addition to a bipartisan approach but that there were serious credibility issues concerning Rajapakse given his failure to submit the government’s proposals to resolve the conflict.
Said Jayawickrema – "The President is trying to stab us in the back by attempting to take our MPs while asking for our support. He is trying to be a dictator. If the government submits its proposals for devolution, we can discuss it. But he is not doing so. There is no point in all party talks without the government stating its position."
It is then that Nanayakkara, who was also a participant at the seminar in order to defend the President drew attention to Rajapakse’s fear of the Marxists and their influence over the military.
In what was seen as a shocking revelation, Nanayakkara said certain radical elements in the government including the JVP and certain elements of the security forces linked to them were creating a war situation in the country and as such the President has to act cautiously.
And the JVP made no bones about its intentions either, fully realising they had President Rajapakse well and truly cornered and that very Wednesday, Somawansa Amarasinghe called for a declaration of war against the LTTE.
Addressing a special convention in Colombo at the Town Hall grounds to address the issues confronting the country and the JVP’s position, Amarasinghe referred to the President’s invitation for the party to join the government and proceeded to lay down his conditions.
Said Amarasinghe – "We have been receiving invitations by the President on numerous occasions to join the government. However, we have our reservations. We believe the best invitation is to prove himself through action."
Added he – "The President must clearly identify terrorism if he is to defeat it. Fundamentals of a war are attacking and defending. One cannot defend oneself forever without fighting back. It is high time the government shifted to military attacks."
Not stopping at that the JVP Leader called on the President to ban the LTTE and said no talks should be held until the Tigers are disarmed and added it was only under such conditions the Marxists would accept Rajapakse’s invitation to strengthen his hand.
That position of the JVP was nothing new but Amarasinghe was reiterating it just 24 hours after India through External Affairs Ministry Secretary Shyam Saran called on the government to look at a federal formula and ensure the protection of Tamil civilians in the north east.
Mind you, whilst the JVP was thus calling for war, the deadline issued by LTTE Leader Velupillai Pirapaharan on November 27, 2005 during his martyr’s day message for the resumption of battle was also fast approaching.
On that occasion last year Pirapaharan had this to say – "Our people have lost patience, hope and reached the brink of frustration. They are not prepared to tolerate and wait any longer. The new government should come forward soon with a reasonable political framework that will satisfy the political aspirations of the Tamil people. If the new government rejects our urgent appeal, opts for a hard-line position and adopts delaying tactics, we will, next year, in solidarity with our people intensify our struggle for self-determination, our struggle for national libration to establish self-government in our own homeland."
And unlike the JVP which has confined its threats to words, the LTTE has systematically trained even the civilian population for armed combat if and when the "struggle for national libration" resumes.
And even at an optimistic guess, that battle will start at least by September the latest if the peace process is not back on track given Pirapaharan’s threat to resume the struggle for ‘national libration’ since he would have to live up to his words before his people when he next ascends the podium on November 27, 2006.
This grim reality of course is not lost on the international community and moreso India given the influx of refugees and the Tamil Nadu political dimension prompting Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to despatch his Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran to Sri Lanka with a clear message for the government to get its act together.
Thus when Saran, accompanied by High Commissioner Nirupama Rao met President Rajapakse on Monday at Temple Trees, there was no sugar coating of India’s message.
With Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera, Foreign Secretary, H.M.G.S. Palihakkara and Peace Secretariat Chief Palitha Kohona also in attendance, Saran said India was concerned at the current developments in Sri Lanka and that there was an urgent need to get the peace process back on track since war was clearly not an option.
And whilst reiterating India’s commitment to Sri Lanka’s unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty, Saran stressed the importance of the government evolving a devolution package which would meet with the legitimate aspirations of the minorities.
Saran also drew the attention of the President to concerns expressed in Tamil Nadu with regard to civilian casualties in the north east and the importance of addressing that issue.
Not stopping at that, the Indian External Affairs Secretary said it was important for the President and Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe to have a dialogue and work together in resolving the crisis. Saran further said India stands ready to help in any confidence building measures between the two parties.
He said India stands ready to assist with its expertise on devolution of power if the government so required and was also prepared to be more engaged in the peace process in that context.
The unmistakable message of India was that Rajapakse must now look beyond his ‘unitary state’ manthra and flesh out a proposal which will meet minority aspirations with federalism the way to go.
The President for his part assured India there was no deliberate targeting of civilians and that the government was committed to a negotiated settlement. Rajapakse said a committee of experts was working on a draft package which he said would be ready within the next two weeks.
The President also said it was important to obtain the cooperation of the opposition in this regard and that he intends speaking with UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe to obtain his support.
It was on the issue of federalism however that the President hemmed and hawed stating he was ready to look at the Indian model as long as the word federalism was not used.
He went on to say the JVP too can be brought around to look at the Indian model provided it was not described as a federal system and Saran with a straight face said Sri Lanka can choose to identify it anyway it thinks fit provided the substance meets with the aspirations of the people.
And as a carrot, Saran told the President India stands ready to help Sri Lanka with security arrangements provided headway is made on the political front.
Following the meeting, Saran was to state thus to the Indian media, "Our security cooperation is aimed at building deterrence of Sri Lanka security forces and it is not related to an incident here or there. We do not believe war is an option and this was stated by the Sri Lanka Foreign Minister during his recent visit to New Delhi. On both sides there is agreement that outbreak of hostilities is not good."
It is while Saran was ruling out the war option and Rajapakse agreeing to look at the Indian model of power sharing that the JVP was calling for a declaration of war, making the President look silly in the eyes of the international community in general and India in particular, especially with the President refusing to both distance himself from the Marxists as well as put his words into practice.
In fact, hot on the heels of Saran’s comments came a statement from the United States through Ambassador Jeffrey Lunstead wherein too, a clear call was made for a federal solution in language that was obvious to the discerning political observer.
In his statement, Lunstead not only ruled out a military solution to the ethnic conflict but called on the government to radically change the way the country is governed by empowering the ethnic communities.
Stating the minority Tamils, Muslims and majority Sinhalese must have a greater say in the way they are governed, Lunstead made the telling comment that the solution would require "radical changes in the way the entire nation is governed."
Then comes the broad reference to a federal solution in these terms: "These changes must empower all the people of Sri Lanka – Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and others – and give them a greater say in how they are governed in the areas where they live."
And for added measure, Lunstead has this to say on the deteriorating security situation, "Barricades which had been dismantled are once again thrown up. And not just physical barricades but also the barricades which divide one citizen from another, as fear and mistrust grow."
A more severe indictment on a nation, there could not be and once again only helped underline the growing alienation of Sri Lanka from the international community due to the President’s indecision in the face of the JVP’s threats.
Be that as it may, the President’s decision to consider the Indian model without using the word ‘federalism’ in his meeting with Saran was also ironic given the wide powers wielded by some states in India.
Whether the President knew the various aspects of the several models in India was not immediately clear but it certainly was not lost on LTTE Chief Negotiator Anton Balasingham when he the previous week told NDTV of India the LTTE would have responded positively if it was offered the Indian type of federalism in 1987 as opposed to the provincial administration system.
For example, in Tamil Nadu, whilst there is a basic form of federalism, in Kashmir it is an altogether different system with the Indian constitution itself providing for the state to have its own constitution and flag.
Likewise in Nagaland, Mizoram and Pondicherry too there are different systems of federalism with far-reaching powers and now that Rajapakse has agreed to explore the Indian system, it remains to be seen how the JVP will respond. The JVP earlier went on public record it was opposed to the Indian model of federalism.
Interestingly, when Saran met the UNP Leader on Tuesday, July 4, once again the Indian model was broached and Wickremesinghe said his party was ready to explore the system. With Wickremesinghe at the talks were Karu Jayasuriya, G.L. Peiris and Milinda Moragoda.
"We agreed with the LTTE to explore a federal solution in Oslo and given the flexibility of the Indian model, it can be a starting point," Wickremesinghe said.
A man known to choose his words carefully, Wickremesinghe by referring to the flexibility of the Indian model was in fact adverting to the fact the Indian model provides for almost confederation as prevalent in Kashmir.
Saran of course was to also tell Wickremesinghe the importance of the two major parties working together and indicated the President will be in touch with him.
And over coffee G.L. Peiris was to explain the workings of the All Party Conference (APC) whilst Karu Jayasuriya drew the attention of Saran to the controversy over the Constitutional Council and the independent commissions.
In the midst of all this politicking, India was to also tell both the government and the opposition they would still want Norway to continue as facilitator though New Delhi was prepared to be more engaged in Sri Lanka’s peace process.
But hardly had Saran left, when the government and opposition were on a collision course over the 18th Amendment to the Constitution which provided for the establishment of appeal courts in the provinces.
Whilst there was a dire need for appeal courts in the provinces to deal with laws delays, the UNP maintained it will support the amendment only if the President appointed the Constitutional Council which has been hanging fire for several months now.
The UNP contention was that the Judicial Services Commission (JSC) had to be appointed by the Constitutional Council and until such time the Constitutional Council was constituted, the establishment of appeal courts in the provinces and appointment of judges for those courts cannot be approved.
The dispute over the Constitutional Council nominees arose with both the JVP and the TNA calling for the slot of the minority parties and the matter was eventually referred to the Attorney General by Speaker W.J.M. Lokubandara and the opinion made went against the JVP. The minority parties in parliament then decided on Rohan Edirisinha as their nominee.
18th Amendement issue
This placed the President in a precarious position with the JVP demanding its pound of flesh, resulting in Rajapakse holding back the appointment of the Constitutional Council given the precarious balance of power in parliament.
In the meantime, Chief Justice Sarath Silva impressed upon the President the urgency of adopting the 18th Amendment to the Constitution to avoid laws delays and Rajapakse was forced to look for UNP support given the two-third requirement in parliament. The amendment was listed for debate on Thursday, July 6.
Under pressure from all sides, the President turned to his brother Basil Rajapakse and asked him to seek Indian assistance and obtain the UNP’s support.
Accordingly, Basil Rajapakse spoke to the Indian High Commission and asked for its intervention with the UNP as part of the confidence building measures. He was to also speak with several opposition members including Rauf Hakeem.
Not stopping at that, the President himself spoke with the UNP Leader and asked for support. Wickremesinghe told the President the UNP would extend its support no sooner the Constitutional Council is appointed given the requirement for the constitution of the JSC.
Unhappy, the President said some UNP MPs were willing to vote for it but unruffled, Wickremesinghe said the party decision stands.
That night, when the cabinet of ministers met, Leader of the House Nimal Siripala de Silva raised the issue of the 18th Amendment and said Opposition Whip Joseph Michael Perera informed him the UNP will not be supporting the amendment.
"We will therefore be short of a majority. Sambandan said the TNA group will be meeting in parliament tomorrow to take a decision," de Silva said.
Responded the President – "The TNA will support but all their MPs will not be there. We will have 138 votes. There are some UNP MPs also who want to vote for it but we cannot be sure whether they will deliver at the crucial time. Let us nevertheless go ahead and inform the country we tried to do it with the best of intentions. Even if we do not get the two-third majority, we can say the UNP did not help us."
Teaching the UNP a lesson
Supporting the President was Minister Mangala Samaraweera but Minister de Silva was of a different mindset.
Said de Silva, "Why don’t we delay it for another week or so and see? Then we can work on the other political parties."
Shot back Rajapakse, "Yes, that is what should have been done in the first place. In future have structured discussions with other political parties. The mistake you made was taking it up only at the party leaders meeting."
But Rajapakse was not a man who sees the bigger picture and angry over his failure to get the required majority told confidantes he will teach the UNP a lesson and set in motion a plan of action towards this end.
Accordingly on Thursday, July 6, the President asked his advisor Sunimal Fernando to invite Wickremesinghe for talks on the peace process stating it was a follow up on the discussion with Saran, whilst at the same time making arrangements to swear in a UNP member as a deputy minister to slight Wickremesinghe.
The thinking at Temple Trees was that such a move will also force the UNP to withdraw support for the peace process, thereby enabling Rajapakse to overcome the pressure mounted by India to look at a federal model in consultation with the UNP.
In fact, just the day before, Basil Rajapakse in his discussion with SLMC Leader Rauf Hakeem indicated the government plans to throw up three or four options without going by the Indian model to keep the JVP within its fold.
He had said the SLFP for the record would submit its own proposal, which task Basil Rajapakse said was entrusted to a low-level team compromising the likes of Alavi Moulana and Dilan Perera.
Not alive to this strategy, Wickremesinghe responded to the President’s call in the backdrop of India’s request for cooperation and agreed for a 7 p.m. meeting.
And by the time Wickremesinghe met Rajapakse, the swearing in ceremony of Susantha Punchinilame was concluded but not a word did the President tell the UNP Leader.
Instead, they discussed how the two parties could cooperate and the meeting ended with the duo agreeing to meet again.
It is only after the meeting ended and Wickremesinghe was returning home that he got a message from a party member that Punchinilame had been sworn in hours earlier.
Livid, Wickremesinghe said it was a total lack of good faith on the part of the President and that he has made it impossible for the two parties to work together.
Going a step further, the UNP Leader told Chief Opposition Whip Joseph Michael Perera to make a statement the party will no longer be in a position to cooperate with the government.
Wickremesinghe followed up with a call to the Indian High Commissioner and said Rajapakse’s act of bad faith has completely destroyed the trust and bipartisanship India was hoping to develop between the two parties.
Act of bad faith
That same night, Wickremesinghe sent Colombo District MP Milinda Moragoda to India with a message that the President’s act of bad faith has completely destroyed the chance of the two sides working together.
Thus, the President’s APC has now been reduced to a home and home affair with the LTTE already dismissing it as an act of political duplicity.
What the President failed to realise by his puerile act is that he has once again played right into the hands of the LTTE at a time there were rich possibilities of a southern consensus with India’s support.
And with Pirapaharan’s deadline, not to mention the JVP’s, fast running out for the resumption of war, the people might as well brace themselves for some big blasts.
[Editor's Pick Inside Politics with SURANIMALA The Sunday Leader]